VERBATIM SPEECH YAB PERDANA MENTERI : KEYNOTE ADDRESS ON THE OCCASION OF KUALA LUMPUR-ANKARA DIALOGUE 2026

7 April 2026

KEYNOTE ADDRESS BY

THE HONOURABLE PRIME MINISTER OF MALAYSIA,

YAB DATO’ SERI ANWAR BIN IBRAHIM

 

ON THE OCCASION OF

 

KUALA LUMPUR-ANKARA DIALOGUE 2026

 

7th APRIL 2026 (TUESDAY) | 10:30 AM

GRAND HYATT HOTEL

KUALA LUMPUR

 

Assalamualaikum wa rahmatullahi wa barakatuh dan Salam Sejahtera.

Alhamdulillāhi rabbil ‘ālamīn,

waṣ-ṣalātu was-salāmu ‘alā asyrafil anbiyā’i wal mursalin,

wa ‘alā ālihi wa ṣaḥbihi ajma‘īn.

 

Yang Berbahagia Datuk Profesor Dr Mohd Faiz Abdullah,

Executive Chairman of the Institute of Strategic & International Studies (ISIS) Malaysia;

 

The Honourable Prof Dr Nebi Mis,

General Coordinator Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA) Turkiye;

 

Dato’ Indera Mohd Shahar Abdullah,

Timbalan Menteri Ekonomi; dan

 

Rakan-rakan yang saya muliakan.

 

  1. Saya ucap terima kasih dan tahniah kepada ISIS kerana dapat terus meneroka bidang-bidang dan pengalaman baru termasuk kegiatan dengan SETA, satu yayasan yang terkemuka yang saya secara peribadi kenal sejak 30 tahun lalu sejak awal pembentukannya tatkala Presiden Tayyip Erdogan memberi rangsangan.

 

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

  1. Again congratulations to ISIS Malaysia and the SETA Foundation who I personally have known and exhibited quite a number of associations and programmes there with the support of President Tayyip Erdogan and many leaders, including Prof. Ibrahim Kalın, but this is our convening of the first ever Kuala Lumpur-Ankara dialogue. An event that is one of the key outcomes from my encounter and engagement and discussions with President Tayyip Erdogan.

 

  1. Now, as we gather to strengthen the linkages between Malaysia and Türkiye, we do so at a time when the world is once again confronted with a harsh and dismal reality: the tragedy of war in West Asia. Thousands of lives are lost, school children massacred as they seek shelter in their classrooms, civilian infrastructure such as bridges are blown to smithereens and oil and nuclear installations are bombed indiscriminately. The human and physical cost continues to mount, even as diplomatic efforts are being pursued to halt the violence and restore stability.

 

  1. While various governments, including Malaysia and Türkiye, are working diligently to convince the belligerents to end their military operations, we must also recognise that there is a responsibility to advance peace does not rest with governments alone. Those within the Track Two community and you and ISIS and SETA for example, also carry a crucial responsibility where its ecosystem creates the space for honest engagements and difficult conversations that cannot always take place at the formal governmental level.

 

  1. Our world is moulded by nations with military and economic might. Yet the survival and prosperity of nations rest on three enduring foundations: sovereignty; resource security and defence self-reliance; and if I may add a fourth fundamental, a robust level of bilateral and multilateral interdependence.

 

  1. Now, today staring us in the face is the erosion of sovereignty. By the unmitigated recourse to military actions that are neither justified nor restrained, we are witnessing the disintegration of a principle that has long underpinned international stability.

 

  1. Nearly 40 days have passed since an unprovoked assault on Iran launched by the Zionist regime of Israel with the support of the United States. What is called Operation Epic Fury lays bare a deeper perversion, and that is the unbridled ease with which military might is used: zero restraint, absolute disregard for human lives, no mercy, and no regrets.

 

  1. The Bard reminded us more than five centuries ago that “The abuse of greatness is when it disjoins remorse from power.” Disjoins remorse from power. And if we may add: when power is stripped of conscience, it ceases to uphold order. It breeds instability, widens divisions, and weakens the very system it claims to protect.

 

  1. A rules-based international order cannot be invoked selectively. It cannot protect some while denying others their legitimate rights. Its credibility rests entirely on its consistent and even-handed application, particularly in the moments of crisis.

 

  1. Yet they continue to unleash their reign of terror against neighbours with absolute impunity, as military offensives in Gaza and Lebanon are perpetrated daily with a vengeance. Once again, we see the utter disregard for Palestinian lives, as the Zionist regime entrenches its oppressive apartheid system across the West Bank, East Jerusalem and its own territory.

 

  1. So in the face of these grave and violent injustices, we cannot just raise our hands in woeful despair or lose our composure with hysterical outbursts. On the contrary, it is incumbent on us to remain cool-headed and steadfast in the pursuit of diplomacy for peace and stability.

 

  1. Now, in this regard, Türkiye’s approach as advocated my dear friend President Reyyip Erdoğan, offers an instructive example. As a non-belligerent, Türkiye has chosen engagement over escalation. Ankara’s recent meeting on the US-Israel-Iran war with Riyadh, Islamabad and Cairo underscores Türkiye’s immediate role as a stabilising force in the region.

 

  1. Malaysia stands in full solidarity with Türkiye’s advocacy of restraint, while we also commend the efforts of Pakistan, Oman and Egypt, and other partners who have stepped forward to facilitate dialogue and consultation.

 

  1. Incidentally, we in Malaysia, with Prabowo of Indonesia and Pakistan have issued statements to support this initiative but diplomacy will be an exercise in futility if it is cloaked in deception and insincerity. The parties must be earnest and truly desirous of a lasting solution. The world has seen too many ceasefires that serve merely as interludes between escalations. What is required now is not the management of conflict, but its resolution: A genuine commitment to de-escalation, anchored in mutual respect, and a fervent desire for peace and stability consistent with international law.

 

 

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

  1. This war has cast a long shadow of distrust across the region and risks fuelling a new and dangerous arms race. As a true friend of both Iran and the nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council, Malaysia reiterates our principled position that it is in their collective interest to reclaim the peace of their region and unite in the face of external attacks.

 

  1. What we are witnessing is no longer a regional disturbance. Its effects are already extending outward, and it will be felt for years to come. After decades of protracted conflict that have stunted the trajectories of societies across Afghanistan, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, Palestine, Syria and Yemen, the consequences are no longer distant. They are beginning to reach our own shores.

 

  1. Indeed, entire communities in West Asia continue to endure devastation that has persisted for years. But for our region too in particular, the effects are being felt in the economies, in every household, in our energy security, and in the daily lives of our people.

 

  1. Now for too long, we assumed that the foundations of the global economy were resilient by default. That assumption has now been decisively challenged. When tensions intensify in a region as strategically vital as the Gulf, the consequences are felt far beyond the immediate theatre of conflict.

 

  1. History reminds us of this with stark clarity. The oil shocks of the 1970s were not merely episodes of energy disruption. They triggered inflation, constrained growth, and reshaped the global economic order. Yet today, the risks are more profound and pernicious. Our economies are more integrated, more digitalised, and far more dependent on uninterrupted flows than at any point in the past.

 

  1. The Gulf, and in particular the Strait of Hormuz, remains central to global energy security. Any sustained disruption would not simply raise prices. It would reverberate across production systems, supply chains, and the daily cost of living for hundreds of millions across both advanced and developing economies.

 

  1. We see the disruption to energy and infrastructure bringing to bear immediate humanitarian implications, with wider socio-economic consequences that could further destabilise an already fragile environment.

 

  1. Now, taken together, these are not isolated risks. They point to a wider systemic shock, one that could further unsettle markets, disrupt supply chains, and strain economic stability across continents.

 

 

  1. Now, for Malaysia, this means acknowledging to that we are not immune to disruptions in global energy supply. We remain firmly committed to safeguarding the wellbeing of our people. In the immediate term, my government has taken steps to manage exposure to volatility, balancing the need to ensure adequate supply with the imperative of mitigating pressures on the cost of living.

 

  1. And in the long run, we must accelerate a decisive shift in our energy strategy, towards more sustainable, diversified, and cost-effective sources. This is not merely an environmental necessity. It is a strategic imperative.

 

  1. Now I learned a Turkish proverb, I’m struggling otherwise my friend Erdogan said you’ve been coming back and forth to Turkey in the best, at the worst of times, not a word of Turkey except Teşekkür. Now, the proverb Minareyi yaptırmayan yerden bitmiş sanır, reminds us that “he who did not help build the minaret thinks that it merely sprouted from the ground.”

 

  1. Our partnership did not emerge by chance. It is built on sustained effort and commitment to deepen cooperation. It is a profound conviction that has grown from the foundations of mutual trust, respect and shared values

 

  1. Diplomacy must therefore extend beyond governments. It must be carried forward by our institutions, our industries, and our people, so that its benefits are widely shared.

 

  1. Ultimately, the question before us is simple. Do we act, collectively and with purpose, to avert a crisis whose consequences will be felt across generations? Or do we allow short-term calculations for quick gains that would eventually lead us to long-term instability?

 

  1. Now, as we attempt to answer these questions, let us remind ourselves that the choices we make today will not only shape the trajectory of this conflict, but will also define the character of the global order that emerges from it.

 

  1. Giving peace a chance is not a mere mantra. Nor can peace be handed to us on a platter. It must be built, deliberately and patiently, with resolve, with courage, and with an unwavering commitment to justice and human dignity. It is not sustained by silence, nor secured by force alone, but by the quiet, persistent work of those who refuse to accept that conflict is our destiny.

 

  1. In the darkest of moments, we are reminded that even the smallest act of conscience can carry the weight of change. Let us, therefore, choose to stand on the side of justice, to speak with clarity, so that the future we leave behind is not one defined by conflict, let alone war, but one that is shaped by peace, progress and prosperity.

 

Teşekkür. Terima kasih.

 

CONVERSATION WITH THE PRIME MINISTER

Question 1 (Moderator) – Datuk Prof Dr Mohd Faiz Abdullah, Chairman ISIS:

So, Prime Minister, you highlighted the risks from disruptions towards the end of your speech in the Gulf and of course the Strait of Hormuz. Now, in practical terms, we know that you’re also the Finance Minister. Now, how exposed is Malaysia today and what are the most critical links in our energy and other security frameworks? I think that is a question that deserves an immediate answer while we try to gather the others. Would you take that, please?

 

Answer by YAB Prime Minister:

Thank you, Faiz. Malaysia is a trading nation. Certainly, there will be disruptions and is affecting us right now. We trade, of course, extensively with United States, the largest trading partner remains United States. Very strong with China and growing strength with China and Europe and the Middle East or West Asia. And the disruptions, of course, as you know, in the Straits of Hormuz and as a result of the destruction of many of these facilities in the Gulf, as a result of the Iranian reaction also, is adversely affecting our energy requirements, fertilizers, food products, imports and general trade. Now, we are fortunate in that sense that we’re more insulated as compared to many of our neighbors. But what’s affecting our neighbors is affecting us. We work with the ASEAN community is one integral part of the community of ASEAN countries. And the disruptions, not only from oil and gas, there’s a lot of misunderstanding, you know, but also, they require like fertilizers, animal feed, which is causing this massive escalation in terms of prices.

 

That’s why not only in terms of our own advantage, but I think for the sake of the world, international community, we have to urge countries to secure an amicable resolution. And I understand the stance taken by Iran because it would be extremely difficult for them to agree on a temporary pause when they know that the hostility, particularly by Israel continues unabated. So, I think the international community group like ISIS, SETA, do your best and utmost to try and help resolve this.

 

But certainly, it is getting worse. And we in Malaysia, for example, we have set up our own economic team, our crisis team, our communication crisis team, because it’s not just policy prescriptive needed, it is the welfare and lives of a common man and woman, you know, and, those in the largely poorer category will be worse affected. Mad, really. I fail to understand how political leaders, particularly those who talk about human rights, dignity, can ignore this fact. These disruptions is not just economic disruptions per se, is causing miseries to hundreds of millions of lives.

 

Question 2 (SETA Foundation):

Thank you. My name is Mustafa Jana from SETA Foundation. Honorable Prime Minister, first of all I’d like to thank you for commitment of yours advancing Turkiye-Malaysia relations. My question is about how do you believe Malaysia’s unique experience with pluralism, inclusiveness, civilizational approach can provide a template for resolving issues in West Asia? While we certainly aware that foreign aggression against regional countries, especially as we see today against Iran and Gaza, is a primary root cause for instability, what could Malaysia’s unique experience offer toward establishing a resilient, a strong regional alignment in West Asia? Thank you very much.

 

Question 3 (Pertubuhan Perdana Nasional):

Hi, good morning. I’m Kamal Amirul Alazhar Bin Kamal Amir. I’m from Pertubuhan Perdana Nasional. Thank you for the insightful session, Dato’ Seri. While Malaysia and Turkiye share strong diplomatic ties, I believe the future of these relationships lies in the hands of the younger generations. In advancing Malaysia-Turkiye relations, how can we move beyond ad hoc engagement to systematically institutionalize the role of youth leaders and civil society actors? More importantly, are there concrete forward-looking framework such as structured exchange ecosystem or joint innovation platforms that can meaningfully empower Malaysia and Turkish youths to co-create impact at scale? Thank you.

Question 4 (National Resilience College):

Good morning sir. I’m Komodo Jasvir Singh from the National Resilience College. Dato’ Seri, all of us are aware that 40% of the global trade passes through the Malacca Straits. Indian Ocean appears to be becoming the new playground with warships and research vessels of at least more than 50 countries in the region at any given time. And we know what is happening in South China Sea. In the ongoing war in Middle East we have seen the importance of Strait of Hormuz. My question is how is Malaysia placed to handle any crisis situation in the region? With South China Sea on one side and Indian Ocean on the other side. Both on economic front and the defense front.


Answer by YAB Prime Minister:

Terima kasih. First issue with the risk of disruptions. Well, Malaysia is also navigating. I’m not suggesting that we have all the answers. But Malaysia is a multiracial, multicultural country and we have a bastion of civilizations, the Malay world, Indian, Chinese and of course the exposure to the western world. So, it is unique in that sense. And navigating is of course more complex and complicated.

 

We had in the past experiences, pre-independence and after independence from time to time, minor racial tensions. But I am proud to say that as a Malaysian generally, the vast majority of our people acknowledge the fact that whilst Islam is the religion of the Federation, the religious tolerance is to me unrivaled, you see. We continue to have problems naturally, racial issues. The Malays Muslims are the majority. But we have pronounced number of ethnic Chinese. One of the largest ethnic Chinese minorities are in Malaysia. One of the largest Indian ethnic minority is also in Malaysia. And then you have other indigenous tribes. Now, how do we navigate with patience, with tolerance? You are not going to satisfy everybody. You see in the media every other day there’ll be some complaints, some additional demands, but it requires maturity and patience. To my mind, the focus should be stability. We have to continue to educate and alert our masses. The level of conscientization to understand that without that stability, key stability, the risk is there. So, one is stability, one is clarity policies. That’s why we focus. We need to push ahead with economic development, new technology, making the necessary adjustments, democratization of access to education at all levels. And this I think issues that we should highlight and I’m not suggesting therefore this would be a good example for the rest to follow. Countries have their own, you know, historical dissidence, challenges. But for now, despite the fact there are huge issues, number of issues that we have to grapple with and now with the economic crisis, a lot of extremist demands.

 

Now, having said that the fact that we are able to unite this country as a multiracial, multi religious country there are also pools. You can see in the media for example some extreme pool of Malay supremacy or then or Islamic dominance or then the Christian groups or the Hindu, you know coming for the Hindu extremist appeal. There are small pockets like that. But I think I would concede among the Malays or Chinese or Indians or Sarawakian, Sabahans, generally people do acknowledge the fact that for this country to survive and manage, will have to be sane and understand that we cannot satisfy everyone. Even when you choose disagree, there might be some decorum principles in place. Thank you.

 

Now, second issue on the Malaysia-Turkiye exchange of youth. In my discussions, a number of discussions with President Erdogan, we acknowledge the fact that we have to enhance the bilateral relations in all fields, a comprehensive strategic partnership but we also realize that it must encompass a wider spectrum. That’s why you have this unique experience between ISIS and SETA.

 

Not too many countries we have this arrangements, but is part of the extended… should I say venture into a field that would involve academicians, scholars, study thinkers. I assume they were thinkers right and then extending beyond that of course exchange youth, students exchange, professor exchange, universities which is happening and you ask me of course we need to do a bit more.

Hopefully we can resolve this economic crisis sooner then we can extend this program but certainly I mean without exaggeration most of you from either Malaysia or Turkiye know that about my personal familiar and also personal relationship with President Erdogan has gone for decades and what I admire about him as I said it publicly he was a friend when I was a Minister, he was a friend when I was in prison. He remained a friend.

 

A consistent current, a true meaning of friendship. You know, he doesn’t choose me because I happen to be the Prime Minister, no. When I was in my darkest hour, there will be communications, I mean that is the true meaning of friendship.

 

Now, in the question of NRC, of course Strait of Malacca. Now the collaboration between the ASEAN strategic intelligence military collaboration is being further enhanced. Thus far, the understanding is to my mind the collaboration is again extremely satisfactory. Not that we don’t have issues I mean, as you know Malaysia have issues, border issues all our neighbors and most of our countries all have issues on borders.

 

But it’s never to the extent that it leads to further tension and this is to my mind, unique, you know. If I meet my Thai counterpart there will be issues. Okay, okay, we discuss this and let the team, technical issues we can’t deal with it we defer that to another time and deal with things that we can agree upon.

 

Now we have issues for example, the Thai border but we are building projects together, new bridges, new infrastructure. It’s amazing. Where issues with Brunei, we have extremely excellent, what should I say, collaboration and relation in economy, in the trade with Petronas and Brunei Oil Company. In issues with Indonesia, I mean, no other country do we have that sort of relations he comes in and fly and have a quick dinner and go back and I went there for a few hours and have dinner and exchange.

 

So though the more contagious and difficult issues will continue to be discussed but when it relates to Strait of Malacca, we say the same thing ASEAN should then hold the fort because it affects the borders within ASEAN but the Indian Ocean is close by so I’ve said to Prime Minister Modi, please be comfortable to engage with us but when it comes to the Strait of Malacca, then let ASEAN have this understanding between the countries that involved. But beyond that India remains to be a very important partner not only in trade but in friendship and culture and everything.

 

Similarly with President Xi Jinping, South China Sea is created as a major issue internationally, particularly by the West. I don’t think so, of course we have issues, we have counter claims but we have not shown neither us nor China have shown any sort of antagonism or animosity or for that matter any intention to escalate attention.

 

We have excellent relations, trade, commerce, military, every… in every field possible. I mean some regions may not like it, but this is our business. We have decided that we work with our neighbors as true trusted friends. Yes, I concede that there’s some issues when it comes to China, the Philippines.

 

We are meeting again, ASEAN leaders in Philippines next month and we will convey the same thing that we will press for code of conduct between ASEAN and the China which they have agreed, in order to secure and resolve this problem without the interference of other forces and that’s very critical. Malaysia is of the position that we must be able to resolve this. So whether it’s Indian Ocean or South China Sea, we maintain our right and our fierce independence in attempting to resolve our own problems and differences.

 

Question 5 (SETA Foundation):

Assalamulaikum warahmatullah wabarakatuh. Prime Minister, sir, thank you for your insightful speech. I’m from the Seta Foundation, I’m currently pursuing my Master’s degree here at University of Malaya. My question is what must be done to further and advance our new regional alternatives in technology and industries such as the semiconductor and car industries here in Malaysia and the newly emerging Turkish defense industry. In your opinion, what must be done to expand and integrate these industries on a bilateral level? Thank you.

 

Question 6:

Thank you very much. I’m Fatma Al Zahra Hassan. I’m from Egypt. Thank you Your Excellency for your very mind illuminating speech and giving us the opportunity to interact with Your Excellency. As Your Excellency mentioned the war in West Asia is pressuring on the world economies. This pressure is exaggerated with the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. Your Excellency mentioned something about the Malacca Strait and this can also… but from a security perspective and intelligence perspective, but what I’m asking about is from an economic perspective, this pressure of Strait of Hormuz also can be reflected to the Malacca Strait as the second choke point after Hormuz. What are the measures which Malaysia can take to deal with the pressure, especially with its neighbors who are partners in the Malacca Strait from an economic perspective? Again, thank you very much for ISIS and SETA for giving us this unique opportunity to talk to His Excellency. Thank you.

 

Question 7 (National Resilience College):

Dato’ Seri, I’m Fais Admiral Muhammad Amin from National Resilient College. We have several of us from certain countries, also from India, Thailand, Singapore, Pakistan and India. Thank you very much. First of all, for the government of the day under your leadership to improve our stability and security by procurement for the Malaysian Armed Forces asset we bought from Turkiye. We hope that more effort to be taken by the government to improve our asset in the future, especially buying it from Turkiye. My question is that in operational term, what immediate area of cooperation should Malaysia and Turkiye prioritize and translate strategic intent into tangible outcome? Thank you very much, Dato’ Seri.

 

Question 7 (BERNAMA):

Hello Dato Seri’ my name is Nasiha. I’m from media BERNAMA. My question is Malaysia is a major player in LNG and so does Turkiye. With the ongoing energy crisis happening right now, how can both work more closely to ensure supply for domestic usage is sufficient and perhaps as bridge to European market or other market that needs it. Thank you.


Answer by YAB Prime Minister:

I’m sorry, because as you know we have to grapple with economic issues. We have emergency meetings with the Economic Council and I have to focus on that too. Otherwise they say that Anwar will be flying high internationally you cannot land.

 

Now, on the issue of defense collaboration and bilateral with Turkiye, the first question. Yes, you see one of the countries that we do focus is those who reciprocate. Turkiye is an exception. So there has been some collaboration in terms of procurement of armaments, but beyond that in education, in research, in culture and the arts and of course the semiconductor.

 

The President when he was here, was very keen to make sure that the collaboration, the semiconductor field can be further developed. Turkiye is very strategic too, you know, between Asia and Europe historically, as that peculiar advantage having that engagement both with Europe and or the west in particular and also Asia.

 

So I think we recognize that and, and I think traditionally even the past governments, to be fair, Malaysia have given such a priority to Turkiye, but more so because of my personal friendship with President Erdogan, things are, you know, made easier.

 

On the second issue in Egypt, Shukran, why do you ask many difficult questions? (said jokingly) And yes, I mean I’m very grateful firstly because in my last week’s call to President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, he was extremely cordial and helpful. You see, when bilateral relations or internal relations come to stage where there’s trust and frank exchanges and engagement, it helps. For example, just a call with the President El-Sisi or Emir of Qatar or President of Iran, we just don’t pass just normal exchanges.

 

We engage as friends, as trusted friends. So my engagement with Abdel Fattah El-Sisi was extended on issues of his initiative of the meetings that they plan to have in Islamabad of his personal concerns and what he thinks that I can do in a small way. We are a small country far away, but small country to probably relay some messages to the President of Iran or things like that could only happen again as I say, if you have that level of trust.

 

So I’m of course grateful and then I told him that, you know, despite the fact that we are having financial difficulties and the economic difficulties due to the impact of the West Asia crisis, but many Malaysians are very… have strong empathy towards the plight of our brothers and sisters in Gaza and said no, no, we want to continue with assistance. So, 30 containers have been sent and stuck and just a matter of minutes, President gave me an assurance that “Anwar, we give priority to Malaysia, please give… take my word for it that we will make all the arrangements that your team can pass through from Cairo to Rafah and etc.” See? To me that this is important, this level of trust.

 

Now, on the Strait of Hormuz, of course we are keen that the flow, free flow and we are again fortunate in my call to President of Iran, I mentioned to him say “Look, our seven, our major ships are stuck and it will cause difficulty.” He gave immediate instructions to say that “Look, Anwar, there will be some technical, you know, intelligence, military arrangements and national security council would follow through. But, immediately he says “Anwar, please inform, be informed, be assured that I give immediate instructions.”

 

I mean, this again can only happen when you have this sort of level of trust in terms of these engagements. But, how do you resolve this? Of course, this is an arrangement that international community must decide. But, I can understand also the Iranian position. That’s why we are not endorsing that call should open and ignore the issues in West Asia. I mean, just like countries say we condemn the Iranian response that escalate, impact the neighbors. Of course I’m concerned. I mentioned to the President of Iran on behalf of my colleagues in the Gulf of Qatar and UAE and Saudi Arabia. I said, “Look, I heard from them their concerns because their civilians and facilities have been affected.” I did raise, you see. But I did it as a friend who understands their predicament.

 

But, this country has been attacked and severely bombed. The school children and facilities. And I can’t just ignore that. Malaysia has started by saying that, look, Malaysia has taken a very strong position condemning the hostile actions and the aggression by Israel that happened in United States. Unequivocal and opposition is strong. It’s tough, it is a major risk. We are a small country, small player, but we have to say that. But, at the same time, I did express the concerns of our friends in the Gulf. Some of the country was questioning why do I engage with Iran. I said, look, at least I represent your concern. But, I can’t ignore the fact that many countries would choose to say one thing but ignore the other. We can’t.

 

We take a very consistent, coherent position. Now, whether the Strait of Hormuz should be opening, yes it should be. We subscribe to the Unclos. But, we know also some areas are closer to Oman under Oman territory. There are some areas closer to Iran territory. And I’m not here to decide on behalf of these countries except through a meaningful reason, a dialogue to secure an understanding and final resolution, what can happen, what need to be done, you know, by the dictates of nations. You know, I grew up in my firm, very strong anti-imperialistic moves, measures or policies or anti colonialism, you know. I support my, you know, fathers and mothers struggle for independence. Right, and I remain consistent. I cannot condone any form of imperialistic or colonial desires, whether it’s in the West Asia region or any part of the world.

 

That’s why we… How do I see the issue of Gaza, is politics of dispossession, and area colonized, destroyed, you know, and with impunity and we don’t say much. I can’t accept that. Even we say we don’t really mean it, and that’s also another problem. Now, similarly now what’s happening in the region. How can we ignore the fact that Iran can be attacked in that manner? I mean, people disagree. I mean, the Iranian governance and the system of government is different from ours. Don’t ask me whether I agree fully with them or they agree with me. It’s not my business for the Iranians to decide. But, my point is we cannot condone any form of aggression against any country. Period. Okay. Therefore, we condemn that.

 

Now, the escalation has resulted in some difficulties in our neighbors and we did express this, our concern. But, we have to condemn first the Israel aggression that led to this, but second the escalation because we want Gulf, the Gulf countries to also be protected. It’s important. They are our important friends and they’ve been collaborating excellently with us without exception. And, therefore it’s a very painful experience for us to see that. So, the Strait of Hormuz, I think Egypt is in a better position to influence this. I told President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, encourage him strongly to continue that effort with the four countries, Pakistan, Turkiye, Oman and Egypt. And hopefully, Insya-Allah there will be some form of resolution.

 

The National Resilience College. Well, we do collaborative with Turkiye, but Malaysian procurement policies, of course, through a very transparent exercise. You know, there were some controversies and of course I lead the government despite all the criticisms about issue of governance. I’m telling you, this is the first time in our history that we have taken tough measures against abuse of process and abuse power or corruption, including in the issue of procurement of armaments. So, that policy stands now. Therefore, the technical committee must advise us where the best competent and competitive in terms of price. They have recommended some facilities through Turkiye. We’re happy with it and with the support of the President Erdogan that helps facilitate brought down the price. Cut this… not only red tape, but also the commissions by the agents.  These things are being done because of this understanding.

 

I told President Erdogan, “Look, I want to change the system of procurement.” He said, “Yes, I can assure you we change the system, we bring down another 10% or 15%.” So, that’s how we continue to work. It’s not still ideal, but it’s still in the process. And for that matter with China, with even United States, people here, the opposition attacked me for buying Boeing from the United States and Airbus from Europe. And see, we ordered before the war. And secondly, what else you want me to buy? I can buy, you know, we can make planes for now. So, you know, because of the, you know, they say American aggression, therefore you must not buy. I said Boeing can be bought from only for United States and Airbus from Europe. We tried. I talked to President Lula about his plane, he said you can, but we have to wait for another six years. Meanwhile we will continue to ride horses. So, there are limitations. But, despite the fact, you know, that my position at the US foreign policy, we engage very well and we don’t have prejudices. We have no problems. I thought it is a good deal, very intense engagements and we procure the place, the place that we require for our communications and transportation.

So you decide what to do, what to buy. I don’t decide. You see the country sometimes because the past practices, they say “Sir, what do you recommend?” I say “No, I don’t have the expertise, I don’t know which tank to buy. There are hundreds of tanks. But, you tell me if you come and give me the recommendations.” “You know, sir, only one tank in the world is suitable.” You give all the specs that only fits that particular company. I’m of course suspicious. There are hundreds of tanks in the world and you come and give me recommendations only one specification that fits the entire requirement of this country. That’s not acceptable.

 

And then, BERNAMA’s question. Of course we work very closely with Turkiye, and of course for now, projection to May – June, although we are and people think that we are all producing nation. Yes, but we’re net importer too because our products, the premium brand which costs, you know, slightly higher but we still import. But, credit goes to Petronas because they have an excellent track record, excellent relations with these oil producing countries and therefore we don’t have that sort of a crisis in terms of supply.

 

There may be some price disruptions but the supply for the next few months we are quite assured of that. But, on LNG too, because of our massive production here in Malaysia and our import from Australia which is a long standing arrangement and our major success in the procurement in Canada with a Petronas Canada operations. But, with Turkiye, as I mentioned to you, all fields including LNG, semiconductor we are exploring in a very aggressive manner. And you know, President Tayyip Erdogan is not an easy man to deal with his stuff. He wants it to be done. He wants to be done yesterday. So, similarly with me. That’s why we become great friends.

 

But, you are right, we are not sometimes the… I’m not blaming the necessarily the bureaucracy but sometimes we are tied to the old ways, you know. You buy, you assume it must be that. That’s why when it comes to buying planes we, I… doesn’t matter. Yes, we go to Airbus, we go to United States but we also go to Spain and China and negotiate whether they can supply or not. So, we don’t have that, that truncated viewpoint that it must be from a traditional alliance or countries.

 

For example, with India, you know, in my discussion with Modi, by the way, President Modi was, you know had an excellent visit here. He said one of the great visits he made. Very good. And I went there too and sang some Hindi songs which was viral. I think very soon if I retire I can start probably… changing profession. But, what is important to my mind is where in areas that we can be both beneficial to our countries, we should proceed. And this I think. Thank you. And the Deputy Secretary General of the Ministry of Foreign affairs is here. I mean we take a very open view. We integrate, we excel, we make sure that we take all necessary measures to accelerate the process of engagement of relations with all countries. And this I think is the advantage of being as I said, fiercely independent.

And we, I think the first generation of Malaysians when they form ASEAN, they said neutral. Then many people have misgivings. Neutrality corners a different thing. That means you can, you know, you take sort of a non-committal stance on what is right and wrong. So that’s why we change the term. So, it is active non-alignment. Leave it to the Foreign Ministry to point all these difficult terms that nobody understands. But, it conveys a very strong message that means it’s not neutral. Because neutrality means you are neutral. How can you neutral when there is massive massacres or countries being attacked or colonized? You can’t be neutral against what is right and wrong. But, you can be non-aligned in terms of expressing yourself with such clarity. But, at the same time takes a strong position on the principles of justice. So, terima kasih to Faiz. He has done remarkable work. Thank you very much. I can’t craft that sort of a brilliant essay to thank him but terima kasih.

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